Humans inscribe their presence on the Earth's surface through a number of activities and practices (Jackson, 1997; Kniffen, 1974). One of the more important impacts is the making of hearth and all the things that go into home creation and domesticated living. The individual, physical dwelling provides warmth and protection from nature in the Alps (Schlamp, 1988; Simonett, 1965, 1968; Smith, 1950; Weiss, 1959; Zinsli, 1991). In addition, the social relationships of family occur primarily inside the home, and the dwelling is a storage site for belongings. Perhaps people are natural collectors. Not only do we hoard supplies and build storage spaces, we collect memories. Humans want to hold onto all their memories—especially the good ones. Unfortunately, there is no perfect art or science of remembering, and the memory can change with introspection. Rituals or objects are useful to rekindle our memory if not create them (Bendix, 1992; Richardson, 1974).

Small momentos such as jewelry and photographs are useful reminders of a specific event, a sacred place, or a special person that one does not want to forget. Home in whatever form is a premier setting for memories because of its role in everyday activities. Moreover, these dwellings are part of a larger social and ecological realm that can be studied as communities or settlements (Rapoport, 1990). The built environment is a physical reality of material and human effort that contains symbolism of the people who made it. Memory is understandably complex. People mix remembrance with collecting and giving away material objects, and memory is related to language and communication (Wagner, 1974). Why particular objects and our possessing or relinquishing of them provokes emotional responses is a philosophical question bordering on the meaning of life. Therefore, any answer to such a question is probably an indicator of ourselves and how people in our culture value and interpret meaningful questions.

Preservation of the built environment is an integral part of places and memory (Ford, 1984; Laurie, 1993). Romansh communities spend large amounts of wealth and effort to build and decorate churches, schoolhouses, and communal buildings. These culturally significant buildings are integral parts of the community and cultural memory. In this chapter, I discuss preservation in a general manner and preservation of the Romansh language. I argue that other types of preservation such as agricultural regulations and nature conversation are occurring. Moreover, the different preservations impact the survival of the Romansh language. I organize the chapter into three sections: preservation in the landscape and the Lia Rumantscha; the prospects of the Romansh situation as a model; summation and assessment of the dissertation research.

Preservations of Culture

Preserving culture is a conscience act of keeping something near and dear to the heart and mind (see Lowenthal, 1996). Yet, describing such an emotion and its inherent attachment to "being" is not easy. If culture can have multiple meanings and definitions (Appaduri, 88; Blaut, 1993; Clifford, 1992; Malkki, 1997; Weiss, 1961), so can preservation of culture. Geertz's (1973) definition of culture as "webs of significance" implies interwoven strands of meaning and material. Preservation should not be confused with fossilization. Using the web analogy, it is impossible and undesirable for every part of the web to stay the same. For someone contemplating preservation, the complexity of a cultural web entails much consideration about what needs to change (restrengthen) and what should not (fundamental).

Sometimes, it is easier to simplify preservation into a discussion of individual buildings or objects. Monuments, statues, and memorials are perfect examples because they record specific and selected facts for future generations (Grosjean, 1979). When a community decides to preserve an old building, a specific memory may not be the driving force. Instead, it could be the totality of the built environment and the social activities in those places (Ford, 1984; Rapoport, 1990). Modified buildings can accommodate a different purpose, while, the internal changes do not alter the street-level sense of place. Often, we judge preservation by individual objects such as a building or by visual continuity and existential feelings (Laurie, 1993; Relph, 1984).

Language preservation tends to follow the same simple reasoning. The predominance of official attention goes to documenting the language and promoting book publication, which overshadows any discussion about how and why languages are lost through contact with other languages (Lia Rumantscha, 1938; 1998). There are a variety of language interests, but keeping up traditions and achieving a good life are not necessarily at odds. Parents want their children to learn the full range and depth of their language in school, while also preparing them for a multilingual world. I purposefully titled this section "preservations" in the plural because there are multiple acts or activities that influence the Romansh culture.

Preservation of Romansh culture occurs along two broad fronts. The first area is support for the people themselves. These activities are not intended to help the Romansh specifically, but all farmers, all school children, or all alpine communities. The majority of these activities derive from topical, political issues such as education and agriculture. Furthermore, they relate to planning regimes because these activities also influence the visual landscape and distribution of resources. The second area of preservation is direct support for the Romansh. These activities target the language, and most of the resources funnel through a single organization—the Lia Rumantscha. I discuss preservation in this same order, landscape and language.

Landscape Preservation

Preservation of the landscape is a real phenomenon in Switzerland as both controls over new construction and maintenance of selected elements exist. One core component of landscape preservation is the existence of a professional planning regime. Planning is a professional activity with formal training in either a geography institute (e.g. Bern) or an engineering college at the Federal Polytechnics. Planning in Switzerland overlaps with material culture in many ways as Weiss (1956:19-34) demonstrates. For example, there are research agendas on architectural inventories including farmhouses (SIA, 1983). Moreover, a whole publishing genre exists on local places/histories known as Heimatbuchen (e.g. Könz, 1974).

Switzerland has a complex pattern of planning and land use not just because Switzerland itself is complex. Granted, some of the complexity does begin with the federalism since the various layers of knowledge and decision making are geographically and structurally separated. For example, the federal department responsible for folk culture might have some sort of expertise in restoration, but the rural, agricultural community decides what happens to the artwork in its church. Another layer of complexity with this example could entail a Catholic, Romansh speaking commune president communicating with a secular, German speaking scientist in Bern. Luckily, this scenario does not occur frequently, as the cantonal government becomes the intermediary. The canton is the main focus of preservation in Grischun because it maintains its own experts, legislates regulations, and can communicate with both community and federal officials.

Interestingly, both planners and residents take into account visual aesthetics. Aesthetic considerations begin with the design of new buildings where the geometric shape of a proposed building is evaluated in relation to the background topography. Before the construction of a new building, the builder must place an outline of the building on the site, so the public can gauge the visual impact and have enough time to respond. Larger construction projects require a scaled model, and in the future, computer simulations might become a normal part of landscape decisions. In many Romansh villages, preservation is even more drastic as most buildings are part of a protected zone, and construction is subject to local approval.

Denkmalism: In Switzerland, preservation follows a "Denkmal" or monument mentality. Foremost, preservation focuses on specific objects such as a water fountain or an individual building, and those objects become monuments (Denkmalen) in a technical sense. The laws that protect monuments and the government office that maintains monuments are known as "Denkmalschutzgesetz" and "Denkmalpflege" respectively. Taking into account the sense of place and holistic appearance of the built environment, Denkmal status extends to special building combinations. The Altstadt of Bern is a classic example where the entire old town is a protected entity, and it is on UNICEF's list of world heritage sites (Prout, 1995). Another world heritage site is the Sontg Gion Monastery (Sankt Johann / Saint John) in Müstair (Figures 67 and 79). In this case, the Carolinian frescoes inside Sontg Gion are specific artworks that are protected from any kind of non-restorative changes.

Because Romansh settlements are compact, there is a tendency to compartmentalize them as little, authentic treasures that should not change. This is not completely unwarranted as a few Romansh villages lost their quaintness when they became tourist destinations. An encompassing Denkmal status prevents any outward change to the existing buildings and restricts new construction amidst the historic core. Therefore, the kinds of changes desired by a contemporary society are difficult such as car garages and sky windows (Figure 80). Some of the more animated comments about government that I have heard arise from these sorts of regulations. People often emphasize the cost and mystery of the rules. One reason for complaints is the shear expense of doing anything such as remodeling or restoring. Someone who wants to do major refurbishing will probably have to rent a construction crane, so all the materials can be brought in from above. In general, there is no conflict about keeping the basic dwelling and external appearance, but regulations and procedures seem confusing and ominous.

Figure 79 – Sontg Gion Monastery

Top photo, side view of St. John

Bottom photo, Cemetary yard

Figure 80 – In-situ Preservation
     
Top photo, Unused Farm Equipment in Curaglia (Val Lucmagn)        Samedan Church renovation
     
Bottom photos, Façade protection in Ardez (Engiadina)

Building Codes: Building codes are a crucial element of responsible landscape stewardship, and controlling the built environment. Foremost, building codes slow down the construction/development process to allow
some contemplation about the consequences of construction. They provide adequate time for a public response for those who want to refurbish their homes, it may seem repressive and expensive.
On the other hand, it balances the quick speed of development, which responds to hyper-investment. Currently, foreign capital is flowing into the Alps because vacation houses are a secure investment, and as an informant hinted to me— a relatively safe tax evasion. It is impossible to travel through certain areas in Grischun like the upper Engiadina without seeing a dozen or more building cranes. The annual cycle of new construction and seasonal jobs is already an engrained part of the economy.

Building codes are another aspect of ensuring quality design and high building standards necessary for the physical environment. Historically, traditional housetypes sustained the harsh winter climates well, but new buildings need some scrutiny before receiving permission. A point that comes out when residents in Madulain complain about a building that the canton built for low-income housing; they say it will not endure. The equally important component to building codes is land use zoning. Zones for new buildings are typically very limited. Romansh communes designate most of the land for agriculture and forestry. Moreover, essential services such as water and electricity do not exist outside of the designated residential zone. Zoning is in the commune's political domain albeit heavily influenced by regional planners, and a zoning variance often requires a local referendum.

Artwork as Protected Objects: Denkmal (monument protection), building, and zoning regulations are common throughout Switzerland. The question is, are they different in Grischun or do they get used for preserving culture? The short answer is yes. The differences in Grischun are both linguistic and ecological. Of course, the canton has to communicate law and ideas in the three languages. Meanwhile, the practice of village and landscape preservation is widespread in all Swiss alpine regions, so they share ideas and recognize excellence. Every Swiss region has distinct elements that locals would consider important. Like much of Europe, some of the better artwork is inside churches. This is notable in the Catholic-Romansh communities who decorate their churches with biblical scenes.

One area of cultural preservation that takes on an obvious artistic quality is sgraffito. Sgraffito is the traditional wall decoration made by etching the outer plaster to make patterns, which researchers consider a vernacular element in the Engiadina. Sgraffito artwork has the effect of personalizing and enhancing a building's appearance because much of the effort goes into defining doors, windows, and corners with classical garnishments. Two forms of cultural preservation revolve around sgraffito in contrast to simple maintenance. Firstly, sgraffito or external painting that looks like sgraffito appears on new buildings. Secondly, local artists are using sgraffito as an ethnic (Romansh) and vernacular (Engiadinais) signature. When I ask, people often say there are no requirements, but I find it unlikely that such a universal trend is unregulated. Some buildings constructed in the earlier tourist booms look like Bernese chalets or Romanesque hotels. Those familiar with the process say visual elements like window splays and sgraffito are part of building codes and regulations. Some of the new sgraffito is different (Figures 81 and 82). New sgraffito is very creative and suggests a revival by some Romansh artists as opposed to only mimicking old styles. The retention of sgraffito signifies popular consensus and local control over the appearance of a new building.

Figure 81 – Sgraffito Revival
 
Fuldera community building

New Condos in St. Moritz

Church renovation in Samedan

Figure 82 – New Sgraffito Artwork

Ecliptic Design in Scuol

Whimsical styles in Valchava

Land Use Preservation

The Swiss alpine landscape is an asset in the same way that the Altstadt of Bern is a heritage site. One could even call it a cultural commodity instead of natural commodity. Although the average tourist might say how "natural" or "scenic" the landscape appears, it is a cultural landscape in terms of human produced and human appreciated. The building and zoning regulations already maintain the basic pattern of land uses, but they do not address traditional activities that are at the core of small town life. There are three general categories of preservation activities under the rubric of land uses: agricultural, environmental, and social-solidarity. Each has its own motivation for action and works as a subsidization of traditional activities that help people stay in their hometowns.

Agricultural Support: The single most important subsidy in rural, Romansh areas is direct payments to farmers. The current payment scheme amounts to over 32,000 Swiss Francs or equivalent to a 20,000 U.S. Dollar per person annual payment. As one non-farmer told me: if a farmer can get one of his kids to farm, they have a 100,000 Franc headstart. While the cost of living is high near popular tourist areas, the payments guarantee the basic necessities of food, heating the house, car payments, etc. Therefore, profit and loss from farming is a separate issue from year to year survival, so farming remains an attractive life-style choice for those who grew up in farm families. For a majority, farming is profitable, and informants said some farmers take winter vacations in Australia and Brazil.

The other side of agricultural subsidies is that farmers must comply with public health and environmental regulations. Some of the more interesting standards relate to consumer concerns about biological food standards and animal welfare. In addition, farmers do not form an advocacy lobby for genetically modified products or pesticide use. One of the new conditions for the coveted "Bio" label is to allow animals out of the stall twice a day for fresh air. Even on a bitterly cold day, you can see farm animals in a pen next to the stall (Figure 83).

Figure 83 – Animals in Grischun

Rhaetian Brown Cow
     
Cows on the move in Madulain
   
Sheep pen and cow stall during Winter in Guarda

Moreover, farmers are at the forefront of marketing their "alpine" products and they generally support environmental changes as long as their well-being is secure. In addition to direct payments, price guarantees of the most important commodity—milk is making alpine agriculture even more lucrative. Therefore, the traditional alps remain in use during summer, and some elements of transhumance survive.

New agricultural facilities are popping up in every Romansh settlement because they can accommodate both modern health/sanitation rules and more humane treatment of animals. The downside of these new buildings is that the zoning and building codes are segregating them from the center of the village. The previous farmhouse, which included both residential and winter stall, can be larger family houses or remodeled into vacation units.

The major impact of farming subsidies to the Romansh is that rural communities have slowed the rate of decline. Demographic collapse of small alpine villages is possible, and it is a reality in other countries (Bätzing, 1991:109). I estimate about twenty percent of the communes in the Traditional Romansh Territory would have collapsed or merged with another commune. The financial assistance to farmers indirectly helps 50-100 Romansh speaking places in very significant ways.

Nature Conservation: The second most important land use activity is passive management of the physical environment. Many of the programs to conserve nature are actually designed not to do anything detrimental. Conservation effects the Romansh in terms of programs as well as providing jobs in Romansh areas. The federal government spends considerable money on environmental programs that trickles down to local communities in the form of employment and in direct payments. The Naziunal Parc is an obvious example for Zernez in the Engiadina valley with the headquarters. The Academia Engiadina has a similar effect on Samedan in the upper Engiadina with outside research money entering the community.

The more persuasive effect is in the promotion of forest management and avalanche protection. Historically, forestry is the most important land use consideration in Romansh settlements. The narrow altitude band between valley bottom and treeline (sometimes only 200 meters) necessitates strict management of the forest. Any overuse or disruption contributes to erosion, landslides, and avalanches. In many communes, the second highest office after president was forester. Today, forest management is comprehensive and tied to larger environmental activities such as GIS and biodiversity research. Nevertheless, the communes keep as much control and perogatives as they can. They are selectively harvesting trees for profitable export to Italy and providing free firewood for residents.

Another conservation factor is visitor appreciation of the natural landscape. While technically not being natural, tourist perceptions of the visible cultural ecology are a factor worth considering. Forestry plays a crucial role in managing the visual quality of recreational and multipurpose areas. Activities such as ski area development, hydro-electricity production, and river channelization are done without upsetting the aesthetic qualities. A few places have even turned retreating glaciers into global warming exhibits, which exemplifies a possible futuristic tourist—nature connection. Long-term, tourist development relies on nature conservation in its broadest meaning because it ensures the dramatic setting that visitors will pay premium prices for recreation and sublime experiences.

Social Solidarity: Swiss fascination with all things alpine is extremely high and it almost amounts to ecological-nationalism. Swiss devote considerable recreation time to skiing, hiking, mushroom picking, or flower viewing all of which they consider better in the Alps. Furthermore, national heritage and romantic scenery has been a part of Swiss literary identity for quite a while. In terms of subsidizing the alpine areas, the overwhelming motivation seems to be solidarity. Politicians consistently talk about solidarity with the mountainous regions (Bergkantone) as if the people were in danger of being left behind. During a recent referendum concerning deregulation of hydro-electricity, the proponents were claiming it would empower alpine regions.

The relationship between urban and rural Switzerland is complex and mixed with memory (Lowenthal, 1997). Urbanites have experiences with the Alps as recreation areas, but they sometimes have condescending attitudes and idealistic qualities towards mountain folk. Surprisingly, an educated informant said to the effect: mountain families are very good, have many kids, and teach their kids values. In my own travels, I sense the rural areas pick up on certain modern ideas quickly, but they do occasionally reject new ideas and products. For example, no farmer builds stone fences anymore, but many have adopted solar powered, electric fences. On the other hand, a few communities have vehemently refused to allow mobile phone antennas even though they could charge a fee.

Swiss solidarity is generally a good thing if it does not become too zealous. School reformers pushed a model of education onto the mountainous areas during a period of concern that Switzerland could become a backwater (Billigmeier, 1979). Unfortunately, this is a common theme in Swiss history as intellectual opinion from other places is taken to heart. The school reforms included agreeable elements such as proper training for teachers. Yet, that inadvertently disadvantaged Romansh for decades because there was no advanced curriculum or teaching college in Romansh. Therefore, reform or even modernity meant learning German. A different example comes from the early 1970s, when the Swiss public rallied behind the idea of ensuring all children had access to kindergarten. Many small, mountain communities including a few Romansh ones could not afford to run kindergartens. Technically, they are/were not required to, as it is not part of the mandatory school requirement. Regardless of regulations, this outpouring of public support plays a role in excellent school facilities throughout Switzerland. Moreover, nearly all alpine communities that want their own Kindergarten has one, so solidarity contributes in the promotion of Romansh language scolinas (kindergartens).

Solidarity shows itself in the general public's tolerance for paying slightly higher, standardized prices that subsidize alpine areas. Some other forms of solidarity are as national consumers and as public transportation users. I discussed these in a previous chapter, and reiterate that the price standardization of consumer goods including basic foods favors rural areas. Furthermore, federally supported, public transportation helps all small towns remain connected through regional rail and bus services. For those places along rail corridors, it allows residents to work or study somewhere else while keeping their residency in their hometown. Public transportation helps all segments of the population from the elderly lady who shops in the next village or the student who studies at the Teacher College in Chur. In addition, public transportation plays a supporting role in Swiss tourism, and transportation facilities are crucial to direct the flow of money into small towns such as new post offices.

The controls over landscape and social impulses to help mountainous areas are widespread in Switzerland. In theory, the people who make important landscape decisions communicate and exchange ideas across different language groups. In contrast, the preservation of language is more local in practice. Preservation efforts that crossover between landscape and language are different because of the different types of concerns and how distantly related the issues are to language. I discern around ten alpine preservation complexes in Switzerland. The biggest differences are between French / Italian speaking Switzerland and German / Romansh. The Romansh resembles the broad German model of preservation with quaintness and authenticity factors. In the next section, I discuss the preservation efforts around the Romansh language.

La Lingua Rumantscha

The Romansh language has two major survival problems: the language environment is complex and the number of speakers is relatively low. As two of the better known Romansh quotes reveal. "Ni Talians, Ni Tudes-ch, Nus vein Rumauntsch" (not Italian, not German, we are Romansh; originates in the 1930s). "Stai si defenda romontsch tiu vegl lungatg" (stand-up, defend Romansh, your old language; written by Giachen Hasper Muoth, also on schoolhouse in Trun).

Romansh exists in a complex language situation. The need to defend the language reflects the small size. One informant who had just returned from Australia said she would tell people Romansh is a mixture of French, Italian, and German. On first thought, it sounds ridiculous, but Romansh is equally close to French and Italian as a Romance language, and German strongly influences Romansh. Even a native speaker has to reference the language to other known concepts and languages, and after much contemplation, I think it is the best description of Romansh I have ever heard.

Approximately 62,356 people in Switzerland speak the Romansh language (see Tables 1 and 4), and that number is not likely to grow (Bundesamt für Statistik, 1995). Furthermore, the geography of the Romansh language and all languages in Switzerland is evolving, and they are trending towards more complex patterns and greater use of English. Table 7 shows where the language speakers and language territories overlap in Switzerland. Romansh speakers overwhelmingly move into the Swiss-German language territory and vise-versa, mostly German speakers into traditional Romansh areas. The movement of people, whether permanent or temporary, influences the contact situation between speakers of different languages.

Table 7 Romansh and Territory:
Swiss Language Territories and Romansh Speakers

Preservation of the Romansh language is multifaceted. There is much introspection on the language itself to activities where the language is spoken. Romansh leaders have identified numerous areas of concern and acted on some controversial strategies. This leadership element is worth looking at in more detail. Fortunately, the leadership comes from a public entity, the Lia Rumantscha. I organize this section into three parts: the Lia Rumantscha organization, the regional preservation strategy, and the local efforts to maintain the language.

Lia Rumantscha

The Lia Rumantscha was founded in 1919, but the founding of cultural organizations began a few decades earlier. The oldest organization is the Societad retorumantscha dating back to 1885, which publishes the Annalas and the Dicziunari Rumantsch Grischun. Regional groups such as the Romania (1896 Catholic Surselva) and Uniun dals Grischs (1904 Protestant Engiadina and adjacent valleys) came next. The founders meant the Lia Rumantscha or League of Romansh to be an umbrella organization that could unite and represent the diverse Romansh groups (Figure 84). All the groups (regional, supra-regional, and extra-territorial) are part of the Lia Rumantscha board of directors (Catrina, 1984:272). The Lia Rumantscha represents an all-inclusive "Rumantschia," that includes all people and places associated with the culture.

Figure 84 – [GRAPH] Lia Rumantscha Organization
ORGANIZATIONAL CHART/

While the regional and intellectual groups still publish their own publications, the Lia Rumantscha has become as important an agent because it combines linguistic expertise, government funding, and connections with publishers. In fact, the Lia Rumantscha is so well respected, other official organizations tend to defer to them. In my own experience, people would say to me, I am not sure, go talk to the Lia Rumantscha. It is true that the Lia Rumantscha is a reliable source and disseminator of topical information. Sometimes this was frustrating because individuals outside the Lia Rumantscha did not want to accidentally give out wrong information. Therefore, it was hard to inquire about other preservation perspectives. On the other hand, everyone seems to have opinions about Lia Rumantscha leaders. One person commented that the Lia Rumantscha changes with the personality and abilities of President and General Secretary.

Figure 85 – Lia Rumantscha Activities

Top photo, Regional Representative (Savognin streetfair)

Extra photo, Scuntrada 2000 opening ceremony

Bottom photos, Scuntrada billboard Advertisements

Lia Rumantscha serves a unique role as an intermediary between the internally divided regions and outside entities such as the federal government. There are a variety of activities such as regional officers and special events that serve to preserve the Romansh language (Figure 85). Some activities are inclusive of all the idioms and I would call them super-regional if not global. Lia Rumantscha usually gets involved with these non-local issues even if controversial. The other activities are closer to individual communities and their decision-making roles. The Lia Rumantscha tends to play an advocacy role in such issues as school curriculum or landscape signs.

Global Activities

The biggest controversies in Rumantschia are without a doubt attempts to standardize the language. Considering the small size of the population, many outsiders are surprised to find out there are five idioms. The Lia Rumantscha has accommodated this diversity by dispersing resources to the regional groups and promoting all five idioms. The debate centers around the idea of a standardized written language and limits of imposing it on reluctant regions. Arguments for a standardized written language are cost and strategy. For example, the federal and cantonal governments desperately want only one Romansh standard to publish. Arguments against standardization are about losing the idioms to which Romansh speakers actually identify. There is a sentiment that many Romansh would prefer to speak Swiss-German than another Romansh idiom.

Rumantsch Grischun: The idea of a common language has surfaced every now and then, but without brute force to impose it on people, it does not have a chance. Swiss-German also varies in terms of spoken and written forms, but writing in Swiss-German is rare outside of poetic circles. Although Romansh idioms already have written variations, conceptually, a standardized written language should work like High German does for Swiss-German speakers. Swiss dialects are flourishing, but many Romansh remain reluctant because they see their idiom surviving only with its own written form.

In the 1980s, a linguistic professor working with the Lia Rumantscha created a written language called "Rumantsch Grischun" (Schmid, 1984). Rumantsch Grischun is a compromise between the different idioms, and the stated procedure was to find majority usage between spellings (Lia Rumantscha, 1996:24). According to an informant, they actively considered consistent spelling rules. The hope is that the language will become accepted over time, and a few communities in Grischun Central are considering it as a language to teach.

La Quotidiana: A long stated goal of the Lia Rumantscha was to have a daily Romansh newspaper. The existence of regional papers and minimal acceptance of Rumantsch Grischun retards this effort. Five years ago, there were five major Romansh publications: Gasetta Romontscha, Folg Ladin, Casa Paterna / La Punt, Pagina da Surmeir, and Punts (youth magazine). Additionally, Romansh was in the German newspapers, Bündner Tagblatt (page two "La nova") and Engadiner Post / Posta Ladina (center two-three pages). Die Südostschweiz Group has purchased all the above papers except Engadiner Post as well as the canton's largest newspaper Bündner Zeitung. Considerable consolidation in newspapers is occurring in Switzerland. In the case of the Südostschweiz group, they are also involved in a regional television service, which will be the first private broadcaster in Grischun.

Only after newspaper consolidation, did the daily La Quotidiana start publishing in 1997. The La Quotidiana typifies the Romansh dilemma. The front and back page is in Rumantsch Grischun, and the rest of the paper is in the various idioms retained from the four regional papers bought up by Die Südostschweiz. Individuals often have negative comments about the paper because a majority of the print is in an unfamiliar idiom. Nevertheless, La Quotidiana has a reasonably good subscription rate because many want to support the only Romansh newspaper.

Scuntradas: In addition to newspaper publishing, the Lia Rumantscha and the regional organs promote electronic media, music, and book publishing. Regional groups sponsor drama, music, and sports. The highlight of the entire Romansh festivities is the Scuntrada held every three years. The Lia Rumantscha sponsors the Scuntrada, where Romansh gather to celebrate and discuss the state of affairs in Rumantschia. The location changes between the various Romansh regions as does the themes they focus on. Scuntradas are symbolic in another way, it is one of only a few opportunities for speakers from different areas to interact. The lack of inter-regional contact is attributable to cultural differences and local attachments. Nevertheless, the long-term prospects for a common written language depends on cross-idiom interaction.

A clear strategy exists to make Romansh relevant in everyday usage (Figure 86). Therefore, the Lia Rumantscha focuses on making sure Romansh is heard and read in everyday situations. Radio Rumantscha is the most prolific medium with over nine hours of programming a day. Their slogan may well be true, "Radio e Televisiun Rumantscha, ils sulets en noss quart linguatg naziunal" (RTR the sender of our 4^th national language). RTR programs include call-in segments, which makes it the only true interactive media in Romansh.

Figure 86 – Media Advertisements

Top photo, Telesguard daily television show

Bottom photo, Radio Rumantsch with English slogan

The Lia Rumantscha instigates remedial programs to "Romanshize" technical and professional training (Lia Rumantscha, 1982), and there are proactive efforts such as a Romansh Press Agency. A helpful component to publishing in Romansh is the presence of regional publishers such as Terra Grischuna and Disertina that take on Romansh language books. While the Lia Rumantscha has contributed to the regional structure of retaining Romansh, the crucial battles are in local places.

Communal Activities

Like many practical matters, the commune (Vischnanca) makes the important decisions that retain language. School curriculum is the premier issue! Foremost, grade schools are the only institution where Romansh can impose their language on non-Romansh speakers. Romansh communities can also influence the public display of the language and promote public rituals and celebrations that reinforce the language. Communities can place Romansh language signs in the landscape or indirectly have official institutions use Romansh spellings. Signs have a visual quality, and they also are material evidence of temporal changes in the attitudes of the community. For example, some Romansh communities are insisting that bilingual signs be reintroduced in places that were only in German. And of all places, these bilingual signs are appearing in large tourist-oriented towns with German majorities (Figures 45 and 62).

Communes declare their communal official language (Amtsprache), which means government forms are processed in that language. Those with Romansh majorities can even police themselves to maintain a solid Romansh bureaucracy. The regional referendum in the Engiadina to require official correspondence passed in those 19 Ladin speaking communities (Figure 65). Surselva remains another solid block of communities that use Sursilvan in official capacity. Figure 87 is a map of the communes that use either official Romansh idioms (Ladin and Sursilvan) in the Grischun. The data came from a government office that needs to know in which language the communal administration wants to correspond. In many ways, this map reflects a militancy to preserve the language because most administrators speak German.

Figure 87 [Map] Romansh in Official Use

Chasa da Scola: Schools are at the center of language preservation because they are at the core of community life. In addition to education, the schoolhouse is a common meeting place for special events. The school library and the village library are the same thing, so the biggest collection of Romansh language materials is in the schoolhouse. Essentially, schools are the only institution that Romansh speakers can require non-speakers to conform. Significantly, Romansh becomes the playground language and lingua franca between students even after grade school. Without a doubt, immersion in Romansh at an early age is essential to any hopes of assimilation! Nevertheless, a child without prior Romansh knowledge, likely comes from a family that speaks other languages.

Communes provide the nine years of mandatory, basic schooling, but with the caveat that the canton provides for higher education. Kindergarten is an optional function for local communities, but many places have a scolina (kindergarten) or share one with a neighboring community (Figure 88). Fifty-eight communes have at least one scolina (or scoletta as it is called in some areas), and larger communities have multiple number of kindergartens such as seven in Domat (Lia Rumantscha website). The first six school years are separate from the later three because the children take examinations after the sixth year to determine access to higher education. Those who are successful will go onto a Realschule (regional middle school), and with another round of testing, they would go to a Gymnasium (high school) before attending university.

Figure 88 – Scolinas (Kindergartens)

Top photo, Scoletta in Laax (Surselva)

Bottom photo, Scolina in Valchava (Val Müstair)

Figure 89 [Map] Romansh in School

Communities that have Romansh in their schools generally have Romansh as the language of instruction for the first six years (Figure 89). They introduce German thoroughly enough, so the Oberstufe (seventh-ninth school years) is taught in German. The number of schools with this standard Romansh program is sixty-four serving eighty-five communities. Fifteen Romansh or mixed communities teach Romansh as a subject (Lia Rumantscha website). Another fifty-four communities have no school or offer no Romansh in their school. Access to Romansh for children from school-less communes depends on the system in the adjacent community; for example, the children from Madulain go to the Romansh school in Zuoz. Another small factor is the presence of international boarding schools and a few religiously focused schools with their various language policies. Some private schools accept local students and they might teach Romansh as an optional language.

Cultural Rituals: In contrast to the daily routine of school, communities hold various events and celebrations throughout the year. Particular rituals have added significance because they are in Romansh or reinforce other deeply held beliefs. In Surselva and Sursés, Catholic ceremonies such as All Saints and Three Kings are prominent. Despite not being a holiday at the federal or cantonal level, virtually every business shuts down for All Saints Day in Romansh-Catholic areas. The day before All Saints (Halloween), individuals go and spruce up their family gravesites (Figure 90). Communities assemble for a special All Saints church service, and then, families walk to the cemetery and visit/pray over the graves of those they knew well.

Figure 90 – Graves on All Saints Day
   
Vrin cemetery
   
Mustér community cemetery

A variety of Winter-Spring festivities take place in Romansh communities in addition to the Christian ones set to the Christmas--Easter calendar. In northern Grischun, regional variations of Carnival (Tschaiver) take place, which is similar to Fastnacht in the German speaking world. Unlike neighboring regions (Lotschental, Appenzeller, and Arlberg), there are no elaborate mask traditions. For the children, St. Nicolas day is important because of the gift giving associated with Sontga Clau's visit. According to one informant, it was a day of atonement as the verdict of good and bad weighed heavy. She mentioned an interesting aspect, the church would deliver a new branch to the house, which was for spanking, and the old ones went into the church as Christmas decorations. Traditionally, New Years day was the big family gift-giving day, but like many places in the world, Christmas day now assumes that role.

Chalandamarz is one of the better-known rituals (Figures 91 and 92). The public side of Chalandamarz is schoolboys marching around the village, singing songs about farming, and ringing bells to scare away winter demons. They also collect money and gifts of food that finance the Chalandamarz Ball. The schoolgirls' roles depend on which community and how their traditions have been set. In past years, the girls typically decorated the Ballroom and cooked warm snacks for the boys. Currently, the girls participate in the marching and singing in a few of the smaller places. In Zuoz, Chalandamarz is clearly a rite of passage for the older boys. The village men acknowledge their hard work with pats on the back and hearty handshakes. At another level, they really seem to be welcoming them into the farmer community.

Figures 91 and 92– Chalandamarz Activities (Engiadin' ota)
   
Madulain (with Zuoz schoolkids)                                                        Whip-cracking in Samedan
    
Il Patrun ceremony in Zuoz                                                                Zuoz
    
St. Moritz (Kindergarten class)                        Smoking
   
Girls participating in Bever                                                            Waiting around in Samedan

Language and Landscape

The interrelationship between preservation of landscape and preservation of language are strong. Efforts to maintain the cultural landscape and subsidize rural activities provide the foundation for a stable population. In traditional Romansh regions, farmers are predominately Romansh, and as their lifestyle is more secure, a core of Romansh speakers is physically in place. Meanwhile, agriculturists tend to remain in charge of the citizen commune as well as the building and zoning controls. Development occurs on their terms as long as they are willing to forgo financial gain for slow and stable change. A traditionalist sentiment permeates from these communities in ways that signals resistance to change and retention of rituals.

Cultural preservation is holistic in both theoretical and practical ways. People preserving their culture are trying to save their way of life, which includes both the spoken language and activities in the landscape. Combining various indicators of language use, I present a final map of endangered communities in Grischun (Figure 93). The map is not meant to be a reversal of how much individual communes are Romansh, but the patterns of concern. The majority of endangered places are in Grischun Central. Not only are these places integrated into transportation networks along the pass routes, they are quickly becoming Swiss-German with a Romansh past.

Figure 93 [Map] Romansh Communities in Danger

Romansh as Model

The Romansh experience contributes to the discourse on minority languages because they already have what most minority groups are trying to achieve.The Romansh have political and cultural recognition from the majority, and they have high levels of socio-economic development. Furthermore, they are participating in the telecommunication revolution that presents new challenges and opportunities. Yet, they do not have security from cultural change. New ideas, different languages, and geographic mobility are affecting every place not just quaint alpine villages. Conceptually, the Romansh have much control over language change, but they are also beholden to other issues such as individual pursuit of the good life and communal democracy. Furthermore, idealistic political autonomy and economic autarky at the local level are relative practices to the surrounding global interaction and interdependence. One of the greatest challenges is exactly how they deal with the movement of people into and out of their traditional language territory. Both the Romansh and the people they interact with are dynamic and mobile.

I have some reservations about modeling a culture group primarily because it deviates from terrestrial representation. The visual nature of a graph allows for a different type of discussion, and it is a helpful dimension to identify missing elements (Figure 94). The graphical shapes (5-pointed stars in this graph) do not imply a spatial reality on the Earth, but a range of scales. I simplify the complexity of the Romansh as a culture group down to five important points. The five points are (1) cultural preservation, (2) alpine ecology, (3) Swiss context, (4) quality of life, and (5) language complexity.

Figure 94
GRAPH -- ROMANSH AND PRESERVATION

The graph shows the five points as separate fields with generally positive aspects for the Romansh underneath, but in actuality, there are numerous interrelationships. In particular, communication occurs along three geographical scales: ethno-linguistic, regional, and global. In addition to communication, the pathways of diffusion occur along these geographical scales. The first is the ethno-linguistic core where Romansh from separate valleys and speaking different idioms interact with one another. The second scale is the regional level that one associates with the cantonal territory and identifies with "Bündner" culture. The third scale is the specific pathway of interaction with the world at large, which travel through Zürich's economic power and Bern's political stature. Each point and every scale has applicability to other ethno-linguistic situations.

Schematic

• Cultural Preservation. Cultural preservation is only one aspect of the Romansh experience, but it includes the active, place making of ordinary people. For all culture groups, this is the most specific point because it combines the actual historical preservation and cultural survival activities. Both the landscape and the language become important components to preserving culture when a group is ethno-linguistically defined. Furthermore, the conscience effort to make the landscape ethnic includes openly presenting the language as a territorial marker.

• Alpine Ecology. The environment is a strong component of place. Many aspects of vernacular culture correlate with the physical environment such as building materials, while not having a deterministic relationship. Specific ecosystems such as mid-latitude mountains or tropical rain forests provide a comparative framework for the relationship between culture and ecology. In the Romansh case, a micro-thermal climate limits agriculture but at the same time, alpine landscapes enhance tourism.

• Swiss Context. The position of a minority group to the majority is a crucial consideration as recent ethnic-cleansing suggests. If the power of the State is used against diversity, an insurgent political reaction is likely if not understandable. Since nationalism usually has ethnic tones, there is fascination with how the Swiss political system works. For Romansh, being part of Switzerland is a positive factor. Democracy and stability are a good thing anywhere, and it is one bridge across cultural diversity.

• Quality of Life. Economic development is a mixed blessing. On one hand, the betterment of living conditions is desirable, and in some instances, it is a supreme consideration. On the other hand, prosperity brings about new challenges. Geographical mobility changes the language pattern and likelihood of language change. The Romansh confront very personal choices of lifestyle, residence, marriage, and so forth with the consequences of language survival.

• Linguistic Complexity. The overall language situation is another consideration. How many and which other languages are spoken in the study area, by government, and on television? The minority or part thereof feels obliged to learn at least one other language, so effective political, cultural, and economic understanding can occur. The Romansh are fortunate because they are part of a society that praises and promotes multilingualism. While there is an imbalance between Swiss-German and Romansh, the Romansh profit from their learned language skills and their access to global communication.

Positive Aspects

In the model of the Romansh, I emphasized the positive aspects of each point because the Romansh generally fall into that interpretation. Yet, there are also serious negative aspects to consider especially outside of Europe. Environmental degradation, political instability, poverty, and ethnic-cleansing are all real phenomena in our world. In the following sections, I elaborate on three aspects: the positive elements of Romansh preservation, the problems the Romansh are encountering, and the applicability of their situation to other ethno-linguistic minorities.

The best thing going is the Lia Rumantscha. In a single organization, there are linguistic experts, intellectual direction, and practical expertise. The best example is how the Lia Rumantscha identified a goal of making Romansh a part of everyday life, and they initiated projects such as children's literature, technical manuals, and media access. The Lia Rumantscha respects the regions, but at the same time moves forward on a standardized written language and daily newspaper. Similarly, governments and public have a general perception that the Lia Rumantscha is competent and uses their goodwill properly.

The Romansh benefit from their inclusive relationship with Switzerland. Firstly, they participate in and take advantage of the overall attitude towards languages in Switzerland. Significant numbers of Romansh learn Swiss-German, and they can crossover between two native language groups. Secondly, the Romansh benefit from the political culture that tolerates differences of opinion, but more importantly, finds a place at the table for minorities. Closely related to the political culture, national recognition of Romansh and financial support are direct results of the political process. The Romansh are symbolically important to Switzerland as well because they represent a true commitment/challenge to language diversity.

Problematics

I have identified five areas of concern with Romansh language preservation. The first problem is the lack of inter-regional or inter-idiom contact. As strange as it may seem, "Rumantschia" (or Romansh) as a collective label is relatively recent. The various regions developed such strong identities during the Reformation that some latent hostility remains (see Figures 28 and 40). Currently, religious passion is relatively low, but the Romansh have very little actual experience in each other's landscape. Ladin and Sursilvan speakers will tell me they do not understand each other's idiom, but in the same conversation, they might emphasize how similar Romansh is to Friulian and Portuguese. Average people from both areas are more likely to have visited America than spent significant amount of time in another Romansh place.

The second problem is the application of the Territoriality Principal (Segesser, 1998). The Territoriality Principal is a staple of cultural continuity along the French—German language frontier, which is the devolution of cultural decisions to the local level. In contrast, the Romansh communities in Grischun are losing their linguistic pluralities. Romansh correctly see their fellow citizens as having equal rights, additionally, German and Italian are official languages in the canton. However, when non-Romansh citizens outnumber Romansh in a community, democratic decisions can go against the best interest of the Romansh language.

The third problem relates to the new linguistic dynamic in Switzerland but more dramatically felt in Romansh places. Like other parts of Switzerland, immigrants are not effectively assimilating into the Romansh speaking community. Essentially, there are two different aspects of this non-linguistic assimilation. Firstly, there is reluctance and resistance to language change. Furthermore, German speakers have no social or legal expectation to speak Romansh. Secondly, there are no institutional frameworks for adults to learn Romansh. The young can learn the basics of the language through school, but even schools must prepare students for the overwhelming use of German in advanced education.

The fourth problem is a Swiss-wide issue concerning the role of global languages. The addition of more languages to the school curriculum is difficult, and the changing of priorities is equally controversial. Clearly, the trend in Switzerland is to teach some English, and a few places in northeastern Switzerland are starting to put English ahead of other national languages. Romansh already has to compete with three strong, European languages as well as numerous non-national languages spoken by more people in Switzerland (Figures 2 and 32).

The fifth problem is also linguistic but in the opposite direction. Instead of languages and people coming into the mix, the question concerns Romansh leaving. The basic problem is no vision of how to deal with diasporic Romansh. A dynamic, urban minority with strong connections to specific people and places in Rumantschia should be able to survive. Yet, no truly innovative project exists to include diasporic speakers in cultural preservation efforts. Except for a few Kindergartens in Chur, social or educational centers away from Grischun do not exist. If current trends continue, those moving out of the "traditional language territory" will loose their language in a generation or two as children only live in Swiss-German communities. Second generation being the children with no formal Romansh schooling and possibly of mixed language parents. Whereas, small agricultural communities will continue to be the only areas of language vitality, and they must accommodate changes that lead to smaller farming populations.

Applicability

The Romansh are not a perfect model for other groups. Those unique elements of their culture history are impossible to recreate. How could the tragedies of war and disease be relived? While I am hesitant to offer the Romansh experience as a panacea to save another endangered language, there are some applicable lessons. Foremost, the Romansh example shows that local autonomy is crucial. The Romansh community has the right to make the preservation decisions or not to make them (Williams, 1994). In effect, only the culture group itself has the right to surrender. It is useful to remember languages are constantly evolving. Some languages are going to become extinct, and new ones will come into existence (Radtke and Thun, 1996). Any unrealistic preservation efforts that ossify a language are unlikely to work. A language needs exposure to outside ideas and must evolve with societal changes if it is going to survive.

The Swiss context is one that will continue to be discussed when diverse culture groups have to share territory. Again the unique experience of Switzerland is unreplicable, but the promotion of a Swiss federal structure and political culture is a worthwhile consideration. For the minority group, the question is how to achieve cultural and/or regional autonomy without the national majority viewing them as disloyal. In our world, there needs to be constitutional checks on the exercise of power by the dominant group regardless of how majority is defined. Moreover, international oversight of an "ethnic" majority implementing State power is appropriate. Communal autonomy if not outright sovereignty permits local decision-making and offers fewer chances for problems with an outside culture group imposing their will.

The Romansh example is most comparable to Europe where governments are beholden to public pressure and "Western" standards, whereas global norms are more selectively applied. The obvious comparisons in Europe include Friesian, Sorbian, and Ladin because these languages are small, generally exist within a single political territory, and have no independence movement. The Italian—Austrian conflicts over South Tyrol complicate the Ladin situation, while the Slavic Sorbians somehow survived in Fascist Germany.

In the Romansh case, the Swiss see all four national languages as equal in terms other than size. Swiss moral and financial assistance comes without preconditions. An additional question of applicability is the sources of assistance. The Swiss can afford to subsidize alpine agriculture, and promote multilingualism. For the world at large, most endangered languages exist in poorer areas where development and instability has to be a factor. Sources of goodwill such as international lending institutions could play a role in language diversity. Ideally, assistance should have provisions to preserve cultural diversity and foster ways for people to work together. The Romansh—Swiss relationship is more than working together, it is being together. The nuances of sharing territory and identity are at the core of their success.

Research Conclusion

Romansh speakers are a majority in less than a hundred places on our Earth. Those hundred or so places correspond with traditional communities that have strong political and social unity. These communities are predominately agricultural or a combination of agriculture and something else such as tourism or forestry. These hundred Romansh places are set in a stunning alpine environment that attracts tourists, retirees, and philosophers. What is the future for these hundred or so places? Will the people there still speak Romansh a hundred years from now? A hundred years ago, the question might have been for a hundred and twenty places, so little doubt where the trend is pointing towards exists.

Maybe a study like mine ends up with more questions than I originally asked. I wanted to know who were the Romansh, where are they located, and how are they preserving their language vis-à-vis the landscape? Now, I want to know how previous research influenced them, and I want to learn more about their relationship with the environment. The more I ask and learn, the more I want to continue the exploration. Why does the smell of lunch wafting out the kitchen window of a Romansh farmhouse smell so good; why does the water in those village fountains feel so refreshing; why cannot the camera lens capture the coolness of an alpine sunset?

I safely predict those hundred places will still be around, but I am reluctant to predict what languages will be spoken there. Many will keep their Romansh speaking majorities for the near future, but German, Italian, and English will make some headway in specific places. Hopefully, the input of resources and creative thinking can stay one step ahead. In this final section of the chapter and dissertation, I review some of the important aspects of the Romansh and the research. Then, I conclude with some final comments on cultural preservation.

Romansh in Review

The Romansh are a small, culture group in southeastern Switzerland. The group culturally defines themselves as Rumantsch, Grischun, and Svizer as well as strong identification with alpine, European, and even global citizenship. Rumantsch is their language and perhaps some Rhaetian ethnicity and it is proper to say they are an ethno-linguistic group. Grischun is the regional identity (Bündner) and territorial canton. Svizer/Svizra is their nationality and frankly, their collective future. Outsiders tend to classify the Romansh solely as a language, which means they are a statistical and peripheral minority (Kraas, 1992). But not just any minority, they are speakers of the mythical, "Fourth Language" of Switzerland. To be fair, the Romansh perpetuate their language and derive much identity from their own literature (DePlazes, 1991). Since the Romansh people are inseparable from the language, it is appropriate to know the details about the language.

The first point is the number of people who speak the language. Only months before the next federal census, I unfortunately must use the previous census for nearly all my key statistics. In 1990, 39,632 residents in Switzerland claimed that Romansh was their principal or "best command" language (Bundesamt für Statistik, 1995). Another 22,721 residents claimed that they spoke Romansh, but not as their primary language. Of these 62,353 Romansh speakers, almost 80 percent are multilingual (Tables 1 and 4). The numbers also reveal many speakers moving into Swiss-German speaking areas, where no formal education in Romansh exists (Tables 2 and 7). The clear trend is for more language complexity and greater use of Swiss-German by Romansh speakers away from home. Furthermore, new residents in traditional Romansh areas are likely to integrate into Swiss-German, which is the citizen lingua-franca that corresponds to regional and national scales.

The linguistic classification is the second point about the language (Figures 9 and 10). Linguists classify Romansh with Ladin and Friulian as the Rhaeto-Romance language, which technically makes them dialects (Haiman and Beninca, 1992:8). There is no doubt about all three being Romance languages, but the way one classifies them are different. Swiss-Romansh has a further diversity of five idioms that have both oral and written variations. In addition, physical separation and confessional cleavage reinforce the idiomatic differences. Many Romansh contest any attempts to adopt a standardized written language, just as they would resist global trends that they see as a threat. Nevertheless, some books and a daily newspaper use the standardized language Rumantsch Grischun and a few communities are contemplating if they should adopt it for their schools.

Romansh culture history draws on the facts and myths of over two thousand years. The small number of speakers and internal cleavages do not diminish fascination with the past. They incorporate imaginary elements projected mostly onto the Rhaetians, to whom they attribute origins and ethnicity. Without any doubts, Romansh language is a legacy of Roman occupation in the Central Alps. The thoroughness of Romanization is often overstated by local scholars, and the actual settlement history is misunderstood. Christianity arrived in the fourth century and the standardization of oral folk-Latin began thereafter with Christian liturgy. The Bishop of Chur became a dominant actor in the region for a solid Millenium and longer in Catholic areas. The written language became formalized during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries as confessional controversy dictated necessity.

Romansh culture history also follows democratic mythology and ritual. The Romansh celebrate their regional identity, "Bündner," and participate in Swiss political ritual. Contemporary politics has been good to the Romansh. One of the national referenda Switzerland is renown for was a constitutional amendment that declared Romansh a national language. Forty-eight years later, another amendment passed that elevated Romansh to a partial-official language of the federal government. Moreover, it also empowered the federal government to spend money directly for language support. Even with a secure status, there are daunting challenges for preservation of language.

Assessment of Research

The research had four broad themes: ethnographic past, national context of Switzerland, Romansh place and landscape, and preservation of culture. Furthermore, the research methodology included ethnographic informants, regional literature, and landscape analysis. The first part of my self-assessment is with the research themes, and the second part concerns the methods and field experiences.

Questioning the Questions: The initial theme, ethnographic past, worked very well in two regards. I could examine the scholarly literature for Rhaetian origins that provided much insight into controversies of evidence. Having learned some of the historical background, I could gain confidence with informants that I was a serious visitor not a tourist. On the other hand, a deep focus on the past does not always connect with average people or even intellectuals. The future of the Romansh language does not rely on the real or imaginary past, but good histories can strengthen the cultural attachment to the language.

The second theme I examined was Switzerland. The national governing structure and linguistic situation in Switzerland are what most researchers look at. But, I unexpectedly connected political and consumer culture to Romansh preservation. I am aware of the current, intellectual debates about identity in Swiss literary circles, but I avoided it because the discourse is nationally specific. Cultural tolerance and political accommodation stand out ahead for both the Romansh and applicability to other situations.

The third theme was delightful because it entailed much time walking and photographing. One of my informants would say, you know more about other Romansh places than I do. Even after spending so much time in various Romansh settlements, I still feel like there is more to ask and get straight in my own mind such as ecology and individual migrations. The presentation of places in chapter four is superficial because there are so many memories, impressions, and interpretations to squeeze into too few pages. Landscape as evidence of cultural preservation is something I want to pursue further.

I discussed the final theme of preservation in this chapter. Foremost, the Romansh are active agents in their cultural landscape: making decisions, constructing buildings, and conserving nature, etc. The Romansh are selectively preserving and managing the built and symbolic environment. Moreover, the Romansh are even promoting ethnic awareness via vernacular styles and language signs. The basis of the theme remains solid because landscapes are the result of conscious decisions by individuals and governments, and those landscape decisions are not unrelated to their culture.

Ethnographically Inclined: Equally important to the research questions is the research methodology. I combined my own experience in the landscape with library work and informal interviews. I had hoped for more ethnographic depth. I missed out on any opportunities to live in a small Romansh place, and I felt like I never found the perfect informant. I did see most Romansh places and meet a lot of different people even making some friendships. Therefore, I had to shape those positive experiences into good sources without overstating the ephemeral encounters or giving away confidentiality with friends on the sensitive issues.

The use of ethnographic methods in Europe presents an interesting contradiction. Academics in Switzerland tend to be scientific or literary with local topics, but remain open to qualitative methods for researching others. Folk studies, such as Bündner and Engiadinaise, are often done by "localists" and professionals such as politicians and gymnasium teachers with close attachment to the area of study. They uncritically mix place promotion with material documentation. Along comes an outsider, who watches and listens to the Swiss-Romansh in an ethnographic fashion. I appreciate the folk culture, linguistic studies, and theoretical elements of the discussion, even if I have to walk my own path to weave those together.

The case for ethnography in Europe is simple. It is one of the world's largest concentrations of people, and if ethnography helps understand the human condition, here is a big chunk of humanity. The modernity (or perceived advancement) of Europe is not a reason to avoid it, and likewise, it is not an excuse to promote a European model for the rest of the world. Interestingly, Europe is just as concerned with globalization as many other places because global trends seem American not Western. In addition, the existence of linguistic minorities in Europe presents contradictory evidence that nations and nationalism do not eliminate all cultural differences.

Cultural Preservation

The main thesis of the dissertation is cultural preservation. There is a larger case to make that small groups of people on our planet can articulate cultural differences. They can delineate themselves from others in two important ways: identity and territory. Cultural difference is an active process of differentiating humans whether it is an archaeologist deciding what artifacts go with what culture group or a teenager cutting loose and trying to define a "sub-culture." Differentiation of an ethno-linguistic group like the Romansh includes speaking the language and occupying a recognizable part of the Earth's surface. Therefore, a geography of the Romansh includes regions and places.

The Romansh consciously decide to promote their language through book publication, school curriculum, and displaying the language in the landscape, which are ironically all symbols of modernization. An emphasis on official signs and popular media works at both linguistic identification and territorial clarification. Specific preservation foci on schools, television, and the standardized written language are preparing for the future and just daily relevance. The more mundane elements of preservation such as agricultural subsidies and building codes as well as concern for the built environment and nature conservation help the Romansh stay in their traditional regions and maintain some control over language change. There is a strong link between preservations of language and landscape as there is a correlation between identity and territory.

I argue that cultural preservation is a worthwhile perspective on the dilemma of small ethno-linguistic groups. Distinct discourses of historical preservation and cultural survival are both individually relevant. Historical preservation is significant because a group must take into account the past and write a history that justifies or explains themselves to outsiders. Furthermore, they can latch onto and celebrate the material culture that academics call vernacular or unique (Jackson, 1990; 1997). Cultural survival is significant because the small group needs to be heard by outsiders and even insiders amongst the clutter of all communication. In some cases, they have to fight for their interests, and in others, they need to create innovative strategies to promote the language.

Cultural preservation is a rhetorical construction on my part, but it is an important way to describe the people and places on our planet. As the Romansh exemplify, cultural preservation is applicable and with some refinement, another tool to discuss human culture. Cultural differentiation is a metaphoric knife's edge. One side does not recognize human diversity while the other side does not recognize human unity. The celebratory dance of culture recognizes unity in diversity and the balance between an encompassing humanity and different earthly places. Cultural preservation serves the people and places who do the differentiating and the dancing.

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